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Is British education at a crossroads?

Anne Beauvallet
p. 257-272

Résumé

General elections in 2010 have ushered in a new era and this process may have induced different education policies in England. This paper also analyses Wales and Scotland which have followed their own paths since 1999. Current English education policies, either advocated by Labour or implemented by the coalition Government, follow trends set since the late 1970s, even if a more positive attitude to teachers and some reduction in external testing may indicate change. Wales chose “a different route” in 2001 with the reform of the curriculum, the end of league tables, the belief in comprehensive schools and trust in the teaching profession. Yet, international comparison of school results in December 2010 has induced a clear focus on the basics, the reintroduction of tests and the creation of a banding system. Scottish education policies since 1999 have differed from England's, particularly regarding the education system, an approach to testing which relies on teachers, the end of league tables, free higher education. Such distinctiveness must however be fostered by the SNP now firmly in power.

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Texte intégral

Introduction

  • 1  Gunter, p.232.

1General elections in 2010 have undoubtedly ushered in a new era and the phrase “post-political times” has been used by some commentators1. Could such a  political new deal have induced different education policies? We will first consider England with the Labour Party and the coalition government. We will then study Wales and Scotland since 1999 as their management of this devolved matter may have contributed to this process. A number of factors will be taken into account, relating to the education system with types of schools, providers and the balance of power, particularly regarding central and local governments, to the curriculum (more particularly the basics or 3 Rs), testing, league tables, attitudes towards parents and teachers, and access to higher education.

English Education Policies

  • 2  “We have the best generation of teachers ever” p.3.3.
  • 3  Burnham, November 4, 2010.
  • 4  Woodward.
  • 5  Burnham, March 13, 2011.
  • 6  Times Education Supplement, May 27, 2011.
  • 7   Exley.

2 To analyse English education policies, let us first turn to the Labour Party as it was in power until May 2010. Its manifesto for the 2010 general elections offered more of the same: standards, the basics, parental choice, support to all pupils whatever the background. Its attitude to teachers was also reminiscent of the phrase “Pressure and support” in the 1997 manifesto. It indeed praised teaching staff but also advocated a “licence to practise”2. In November 2010, Shadow Education Secretary Andy Burnham felt he had a “mission” to defend comprehensive education3 but he insisted that comprehensive education needed “updating”, which is a clear reminder of Tony Blair's “herald[ing] a 'post-comprehensive' era” in February 20014. In March 2011, the party created a “schools policy review group” and based it on the same issues Labour has focused on since the mid-1990s, that is standards, curriculum and the basics, the influence of parents, teaching standards5.  In May 2011, Andy Burnham declared Labour “would not oppose every free school”6 and in September the same year he promised the party would, once in power, restore the so-called “social partnership” with the main teaching unions7. There is therefore little sign of fundamental change in Labour's perspective so far.

  • 8  HM Government, p.34.
  • 9  BBC Online News, 2010 (d).

3 What about different policies from the coalition? Funding must be taken into account first as “the deficit reduction programme takes precedence over any of the other measures in this agreement”8. Cuts have thus become the order of the day. School building programmes (Building Schools for the Future), support schemes for struggling pupils, teaching and research grants are among the worst hit9.

  • 10  BBC Online News, 2010 (b), BBC Online News, 2010 (c).

4 Raising university tuition fees in 2010 was as much about financial difficulties as it was about the principle of making graduates pay for higher education. Such a decision however runs counter to the Liberal Democrats' stance in their 2010 manifesto and tensions within the party have been unmistakable. Former leaders such as Paddy Ashdown and Charles Kennedy soon asserted the party would not suffer in the long term10.

  • 11  “new providers can enter the state school system in response to parental demand”, HM Government, p (...)
  • 12  Plomin.
  • 13  Barkham.
  • 14  Some businesses were given the right to award higher education degrees like BPP College in Septemb (...)
  • 15  Department for Business, Innovation and Skills,p.66.

5 The issues that are still relevant to Labour policies underlie the Con-Lib Government's approach: diversification in schools (academies and free schools especially) and education providers in order to promote parental choice and higher standards both for pupils and teachers, together with a focus on basics. Diversification in providers is presented in the agreement document as stemming from parents' pressure11 and the government's case is based on the phrase used in June 2001 by Estelle Morris. She then professed “'no ideological bars' to any solutions that could help schools”12. Let us now quote Michael Gove in May 2010: “I do not have an ideological objection to businesses being involved.”13 This is also true in higher education. New Labour had paved the way14 and the June 2011 White Paper Students at the Heart of the System promised “a level playing field for higher education providers of all types”15.

6 Diversification in schools has been further eased with the Academies Act 2010 which makes it possible to establish an academy providing the Secretary of State agrees. The freedoms academies already enjoyed from local authorities were reaffirmed, particularly on staff recruitment, management and on the curriculum. Several commentators such as Mike Baker have pointed out the origins of such reforms, by calling the 2010 Act a “recreation of the grant-maintained schools.”

  • 16  Department for Education, p.3.

7 Diversification both in schools and in providers cannot be separated from the notion of choice which is the touchstone of such a perspective: unpopular schools are forced to increase standards, the very key issue in government policies for decades. David Cameron and Nick Clegg indeed begin their foreword to the November 2010 White Paper The Importance of Teaching with this concept16.

  • 17  The Guardian 2010 (b).
  • 18  Wainwright.

8 Although the basics (three Rs mostly) are not mentioned in the coalition government agreement document, this is another plank in its education policies. For example, a new reading test for six-year-olds is to be rolled out in 201217. This is based on the perceived drop in standards. In June 2011 for instance, although statistics showed a steady improvement in the number of pupils leaving primary schools and reaching the expected level in the three Rs (67% compared to 64% in 2010), Schools Minister Nick Gibb insisted on “[the] decline in the proportion of children [...] who can read and write beyond the expected level”18.

  • 19  HM Government, p.29.

9 The coalition government has also asserted its will to ensure a fairer balance between school autonomy and accountability. In the agreement document, schools were promised greater latitude in their approach to discipline19. This was confirmed with the Education Act 2011 in that it allows teachers to search pupils' belongings and weakens the power of appeal panels dealing with exclusions since they will no longer be able to force a school to reinstate a pupil but will rather ask the school to reconsider its position. The November 2010 White Paper The Importance of Teaching also promised schools more freedom on the National Curriculum. A review was launched in January 2011 but the Qualifications and Curriculum Development Agency (QCDA) is to be phased out and the Education Secretary will thus assume even more responsibility in this area. Such an approach to the balance of power in English education is clearly in line with the policies of previous governments, be they Conservative or Labour. The central government has thus tended to free schools from local authority control while strengthening its own prerogatives.

  • 20  p.22.
  • 21  DfES, pp.9, 47.
  • 22  p.23.
  • 23  Lipsett.
  • 24  pp.6, 26-7.

10 The third force in British politics seemed for years completely at odds with such  policies. Yet, even before 2007 when Nick Clegg became the Liberal Democrat leader, the party started changing. Tax hikes for all to finance further investment were dropped in the 2001 manifesto. Private and voluntary sector intervention was not excluded on a matter of principle in the 2002 document Quality, innovation, choice. With Nick Clegg as leader however, Orange Book liberals have proved more influential than ever. Local authorities were to become “champions of children, parents and families” in a 2009 document Equity and Excellence: Policies for 5-19 education in England’s schools and colleges20 and this was the exact phrase used by the Labour government in 2004 in its Five Year Strategy for Children and Learners21. Parental choice became central in the 2009 Equity and Excellence documentadvocating “Choice for Parents, Not Selection by Schools”22 and in January 2008 Nick Clegg called for the creation of free schools23 although this expression was replaced by “sponsor-managed schools”in Equity and Excellence24.

  • 25  BBC Online News, (a).
  • 26  Williams.
  • 27  The Guardian, 2010 (a).
  • 28  MacLeod.
  • 29  The Guardian 2004.

11 Since 2009, the concept of pupil premium has united the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats although two issues must here be raised. The pupil premium will not be based on additional financing and its impact is far from certain as the think tank Institute for Fiscal Studies warned in March 201025. The pupil premium initiative must also be set against a gloomy backdrop of cuts. Extending free school meals to more families has been put on hold26. Contrary to what had been promised before the 2010 general elections27, the Education Maintenance Allowances (EMAs) were phased out and most higher education institutions will probably charge £9,000 in fees depending on an agreement with the Office for Fair Access (Offa). The latter was established to counteract the introduction of variable fees and collaborates with universities, setting access agreements including bursary schemes. At its disposal is a whole series of review and appeal procedures which may lead to legal proceedings, not to mention “direct financial penalty” through the Higher Education Funding Council for England28 (Hefce). Yet, this approach has so far been shunned by Offa. Its director, Martin Harris, from the start rejected “quotas” of poor students29 and, although its budget will be increased, only time will tell if this organisation chooses a more confrontational role to actually widen participation in higher education.

  • 30  HM Government p.29.
  • 31  DfE p10.
  • 32  Public reporting of allegations made against teachers is for instance limited.
  • 33  p.46.
  • 34  p.19.

12 Although the education policies pursued by the current government are to a large degree a continuation of measures implemented since the late 1970s, some reforms seem to indicate change. In April 2008, the Conservative Party published a document entitled Giving Power Back to Teachers and its main proposals on discipline and in cases of allegations by pupils were included in the agreement document30, in the November 2010 White Paper The Importance of Teaching31 and in the Education Act 201132. The November 2010 White Paper and the Education Act 2011 go further than what the Conservatives set out to do in 2008 as Ofsted inspections are to be changed. Ofsted has long been unpopular with teachers and the focus of inspections will be narrowed from 27 areas to four (pupil achievement, quality of teaching, leadership and management, behaviour and safety of pupils). Such an attitude on the part of Conservatives is based on what people like Gary Streeter have defined as compassionate conservatism33. The stance of Liberal Democrats is more puzzling as their 2010 election manifesto did not include a measure they had suggested in 2009 with Equity and Excellence: “a system requiring teachers periodically to re-certify their fitness to practice”34.

  • 35  HM Government, p.29.
  • 36  Shepherd.

13 Another plank in government policies since the late 1970s may also undergo some change. National Curriculum Tests or SATs were established throughout the 1990s by successive Conservative and Labour governments to compare pupil attainment. In 2008, Labour Education Secretary Ed Balls announced the end of SATs for 14-year-olds and the coalition government agreement document promised to review SATs35. Lord Bew's recommendations issued in June 2011 are to be implemented36. Teacher assessment will be more widely used but external marking remains central with maths and reading. One of teachers' demands has been met regarding the writing test but more tests have been added and league tables which are the direct results of SATs are bound to remain although they now tend to be rounder. At this stage, it is therefore far from clear if the trends set since the early 1980s with Conservative and Labour governments will be modified and to what degree.

Welsh Education Policies

  • 37  National Assembly for Wales, p.2.
  • 38  p.8.
  • 39  p.61.

14 Taking into account the criteria already used, we will now turn to Wales. In 2001 was published The Learning Country, A Paving Document, A Comprehensive Education and Lifelong Learning Programme to 2010 in Wales which advocated “a different route”37. The document featured similarities with English policies such as an emphasis on “driv[ing] up standards”38 and the use of targets. At Key Stage 2 for instance, “the percentage of pupils attaining at least level 4 in the core subjects should be lifted into the 70-80% range by 2002; to the 80-85% range from 2004; to 85-90% by 2007 and to 90% by 2010”39.

  • 40  p.25; p.2.
  • 41  p.24.
  • 42  p.33.
  • 43  p.11
  • 44  p.35.
  • 45  p.11.

15 Divergence tended however to prevail. Diversification in school types and providers was clearly rejected and support for “non-selective comprehensive school provision in Wales” was specifically reiterated40. As for the balance of power, the arrangements which the Education Act 1944 had set with local authorities seemed firmly defended: “We shall maintain the constitutional capacity of Local Authorities to reach balanced judgements about investment suited to their circumstances and which they are best placed to justify”41. Other key elements of English policies were questioned with “the disapplication of the National Curriculum”42, the review of “national testing arrangements for 7-year-olds”43 (tests were phased out from 2002 to 2005) and the decision to put an end to league table (and instead “publish aggregate data at LEA level”44). Finally, the attitude towards teachers was markedly different since “the informed professional judgment of teachers, lecturers and trainers must be celebrated”45.

  • 46  Welsh Assembly Government pp.6-7.
  • 47  p.24.
  • 48  p.4.
  • 49  Department for Education, Lifelong Learning and Skills, Welsh Assembly Government.

16 In 2006, a second edition of The Learning Country was released and the main issue it identified was  very low pupil attainment, particularly among 15-year-olds46. This might explain the continuing emphasis on “standards of achievement”47 and the high number of targets, although the word was seldom used. The basics were also all-important, with for instance the “targeted strategy Words Talk, Numbers Count”48, and although no diversification in the school system was suggested, comprehensive schools were not referred to as the model. Furthermore, the 2007 edition advocated a “partnership between the Assembly Government, local authorities, schools, business and voluntary sector.”49 You may have noticed that teacher assessment was still part and parcel of Welsh education but targets were set for future inspection reports: “By 2010, the quality of learning in primary and secondary schools assessed by Estyn to be Grade 3 or better in 98% of classes.” As for access to higher education, the Welsh Assembly adopted maintenance grantsin 2002, contrary to the student loan strategy adopted by the London government. More recently, the Assembly Government decided that Welsh students would be supported by topping up fees above £3,375.

  • 50  Evans 2010.
  • 51  BBC Online News 2011 (a).

17 In December 2010, Programme for International Student Assessment (Pisa) figures showed that Welsh 15-year-olds performed poorly compared not only to members of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) but also to other UK countries50. To make matters worse, the Welsh inspectorate Estyn released a report late in January 2011 arguing that “30% of schools are not as good as they should be”, that literacy and numeracy standards were “not good enough” and that comparing performance across the country was difficult51.

  • 52  Evans 2010.
  • 53  Evans, 2011 (a).
  • 54  They were modelled on academies to a limited extent.
  • 55  Bell, p.46.

18 This must be considered together with declarations by Education Minister Leighton Andrews just after the latest Pisa results were made public when he described the situation as “systemic failure”52.  As a result, Leighton Andrews decided to initiate a 20-point action plan in February 201153. The nature of the education system was not the focus of the Minister's attention and comprehensive schools still prevail since there are only a dozen foundation schools which can be found54 and private sector intervention remains limited in Welsh education55.

  • 56  Evans, 2011 (c).

19 Local authorities will be in charge of a banding system to classify secondary schools' performance, primary schools to be included later in the scheme, but a “school standards unit” was also announced to force the improvement of under-performing authorities56, which signals greater interventionism from central government.

  • 57  Evans 2011 (a).
  • 58  Evans 2011 (b).
  • 59  Evans 2011 (b).
  • 60  Evans 2011 (b).

20  A literacy strategy was announced, to be followed by a numeracy strategy, both focusing on 7- to 11-year-olds57. Leighton Andrews has insisted that banding does not imply returning to league tables and this is precisely where his reference to “a systemic failure” is interesting. He did not mention the concept of parental choice but asserted in February 2011 that “the demand for transparency from parents is not going to go away”58. Although teacher assessment remains part of the system, it is expected to be “robust and consistent”59. As is now clear, planks in the 2001 and 2006 documents have been modified and the latest measures may signal “a tacit acknowledgement that the Learning Country programme was a failure”60 and that the “different route” is being brought closer to English policies.

Scottish Education Policies

  • 61  Bryce, T. and W. Humes, “Scottish Secondary Education: Philosophy and Practice” in Bryce and Humes (...)
  • 62  They were modelled on English specialist schools and were phased out in 2008, Seith.
  • 63  Bell p.46.
  • 64  BBC Online News, 2011 (b).

21 When we consider the possibility of different policies in Britain, Scotland seems particularly promising. Indeed, the country has preserved its specific education system with its own approach to schools, to the curriculum, to testing, to the teaching profession and access to higher education. Comprehensive schools “received considerable public endorsement during the National Debate of 2002”61 and only 52 Schools of Ambition were created62. The Private Finance Initiative (PFI) has not been used as extensively as in England63, even if it is bound to cast a long shadow64.

  • 65  Reid, L., “The Primary Curriculum beyond 5-14” in Bryce and Humes ed., p.334.
  • 66  p.342.

22 The very phrase Assessment is for Learning (AifL) as part of government policies shows a marked distinction with the use of tests as the means to measure pupil attainment. The Scottish Curriculum for Excellence can be considered “as a set of guidelines for teachers to interpret”65 and thus as radically different from the “professionalisation of teachers through a standards-based framework of expectations”66.

  • 67  Quoted by Donn, G., “The Political Administration of Scottish Education 2003-7” in Bryce and Humes (...)
  • 68  Now merged with Learning and Teaching Scotland to form Education Scotland.
  • 69  Quoted by Donn in Bryce and Humes ed., pp.119-20.

23 The Scottish attitude to teaching staff thus diverges as the 2001 McCrone agreement makes clear.  Although it improved Scottish teachers' pay, it was designed more widely as “a comprehensive and radical programme to help build the profession as a basis to give it the trust and the freedoms that are necessary in schools and classrooms” as Minister for Education and Young People Peter Peacock then stated67. This positive attitude to the profession has been plain in the Scottish approach to inspection. Ofsted and Her Majesty's Inspectorate of Education (HMIE68) tend to make great use of self-evaluation by schools (Self-Evaluation Forms with Ofsted and How Good Is Our School with Education Scotland) but Scottish inspectors also work with Associate Assessors who are teachers from other schools and with Lay Members. In February 2007, Education Secretary Fiona Hyslop declared that teachers “must have the HMIE’s support and know that they will not be criticised ... for trying different things”69. Scottish policies on university tuition fees have been markedly different from south of the border as they were abolished in 2000 and the graduate endowment established in 2001 was phased out in 2007 to reinstate free higher education.

  • 70  BBC Online News, 2010 (e).

24 Negotiation seems key to Scottish education, although this should not be taken as perfectly amicable and uneventful but rather as a modus operandi based on discussion and cooperation, which may also result in problems. In December 2010 for instance, Educational Institute of Scotland, the biggest teachers' union, criticised relations between central government and local authorities: “it is worrying that the Scottish government has again struck a budget deal with Cosla (Convention of Scottish Local Authorities) which provides a shopping list of desired government priorities without any levers to ensure that they are delivered”70. This can only be contrasted with England where local authorities' powers have been reduced to the benefit of central government.

  • 71  p.23.
  • 72  “As a teacher in my 37th year of teaching it depresses me that McCormac appears to have been sucke (...)
  • 73  “’Good enough’ is no longer good enough”, Scottish National Party p. 23.
  • 74  “new emphasis on literacy and numeracy” p.23.
  • 75  p.24.
  • 76  p.24.
  • 77  p.24.
  • 78  p.25.

25 The last question to be considered is that of the Scottish National Party (SNP) in government with a workable majority in Holyrood from May 2011 on and its education policies as a continuation of reforms up to now. Compared to 2007, its 2011 manifesto conveys a broader and deeper perspective. Access to further and higher education was still a priority with a commitment to EMAs and to free university tuition. The party insisted on “working in partnership” with teachers71, although the recommendations issued recently in the McCormac report have raised a few eyebrows72.  Standards were a key issue73 and it is interesting to note that the SNP focused on basics through the curriculum74 and through specific schemes: “The SNP government produced the first Literacy Action Plan since devolution”75. Although the SNP showed no intention to radically change the education system, it stated its will to “review the balance of power between government, local authorities and on-the-ground delivery”76. The SNP also looked set to increase parental involvement with a “wide-ranging Education Rights and Responsibilities Bill”: “Our intention is to set out in law what pupils and parents can expect from the learning journey through the Scottish education system. It will also make clear what schools should expect in return and how we can build stronger partnerships between schools, young people and parents”77.  Finally, the SNP advocated “increased commercial activity and increased philanthropy” in higher education78. Although these features may not all result in legislation, they may in the long term affect the very “different route” followed by Scottish education since devolution.

Conclusion

  • 79  Watt.

26 In conclusion, we must answer the question we set at the very beginning of this paper, that is the prospect of different education policies in Britain. The Labour Party has so far fallen short of the truly different policies you might have expected from Ed Miliband's “new generation”79. Difference can hardly be the byword of the coalition Government's approach as its measures are comparable to those implemented by Conservative and Labour governments since the late 1970s. A more positive attitude to teachers and some reduction in external testing may indicate change, although there is no evidence yet that this will fundamentally influence government policies.

  • 80  National Assembly for Wales, p.2.
  • 81  Welsh Assembly Government, Department for Education, Lifelong Learning and Skills, Welsh Assembly (...)

27 In 2001 Wales chose “a different route”80 and the reform of the curriculum, the end of league tables, the belief in comprehensive schools and trust in the teaching profession were evidence of this difference. The 2006 and 2007 documents showed some change81 and international comparison of school results in December 2010 may well account for the latest Welsh policies which include a clear focus on the basics, the reintroduction of tests, the creation of a banding system, although Wales still diverges with its limited diversification of education.

28Policies north of the border since 1999 have retained specific elements, particularly regarding the education system, an approach to testing which relies on teachers who are also considered as partners in the development of the curriculum, the end of league tables, free higher education. Scotland may therefore remain the place to find a genuinely “different route” in British education, provided the SNP fosters this distinctiveness.

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Notes

1  Gunter, p.232.

2  “We have the best generation of teachers ever” p.3.3.

3  Burnham, November 4, 2010.

4  Woodward.

5  Burnham, March 13, 2011.

6  Times Education Supplement, May 27, 2011.

7   Exley.

8  HM Government, p.34.

9  BBC Online News, 2010 (d).

10  BBC Online News, 2010 (b), BBC Online News, 2010 (c).

11  “new providers can enter the state school system in response to parental demand”, HM Government, p.28.

12  Plomin.

13  Barkham.

14  Some businesses were given the right to award higher education degrees like BPP College in September 2007 or to offer work experience which could be part of A-levels or vocational diplomas, see Revill, J., “Big Mac and a degree to go?” The Observer, January 27, 2008.

15  Department for Business, Innovation and Skills,p.66.

16  Department for Education, p.3.

17  The Guardian 2010 (b).

18  Wainwright.

19  HM Government, p.29.

20  p.22.

21  DfES, pp.9, 47.

22  p.23.

23  Lipsett.

24  pp.6, 26-7.

25  BBC Online News, (a).

26  Williams.

27  The Guardian, 2010 (a).

28  MacLeod.

29  The Guardian 2004.

30  HM Government p.29.

31  DfE p10.

32  Public reporting of allegations made against teachers is for instance limited.

33  p.46.

34  p.19.

35  HM Government, p.29.

36  Shepherd.

37  National Assembly for Wales, p.2.

38  p.8.

39  p.61.

40  p.25; p.2.

41  p.24.

42  p.33.

43  p.11

44  p.35.

45  p.11.

46  Welsh Assembly Government pp.6-7.

47  p.24.

48  p.4.

49  Department for Education, Lifelong Learning and Skills, Welsh Assembly Government.

50  Evans 2010.

51  BBC Online News 2011 (a).

52  Evans 2010.

53  Evans, 2011 (a).

54  They were modelled on academies to a limited extent.

55  Bell, p.46.

56  Evans, 2011 (c).

57  Evans 2011 (a).

58  Evans 2011 (b).

59  Evans 2011 (b).

60  Evans 2011 (b).

61  Bryce, T. and W. Humes, “Scottish Secondary Education: Philosophy and Practice” in Bryce and Humes ed., p.34-5.

62  They were modelled on English specialist schools and were phased out in 2008, Seith.

63  Bell p.46.

64  BBC Online News, 2011 (b).

65  Reid, L., “The Primary Curriculum beyond 5-14” in Bryce and Humes ed., p.334.

66  p.342.

67  Quoted by Donn, G., “The Political Administration of Scottish Education 2003-7” in Bryce and Humes ed., pp.115-6.

68  Now merged with Learning and Teaching Scotland to form Education Scotland.

69  Quoted by Donn in Bryce and Humes ed., pp.119-20.

70  BBC Online News, 2010 (e).

71  p.23.

72  “As a teacher in my 37th year of teaching it depresses me that McCormac appears to have been sucked in by the anti-education, anti- teacher, cost-cutting agenda”, McCrone.

73  “’Good enough’ is no longer good enough”, Scottish National Party p. 23.

74  “new emphasis on literacy and numeracy” p.23.

75  p.24.

76  p.24.

77  p.24.

78  p.25.

79  Watt.

80  National Assembly for Wales, p.2.

81  Welsh Assembly Government, Department for Education, Lifelong Learning and Skills, Welsh Assembly Government.

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Anne Beauvallet, « Is British education at a crossroads? », Observatoire de la société britannique, 12 | 2012, 257-272.

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Anne Beauvallet, « Is British education at a crossroads? », Observatoire de la société britannique [En ligne], 12 | 2012, mis en ligne le 01 août 2013, consulté le 23 septembre 2014. URL : http://osb.revues.org/1376 ; DOI : 10.4000/osb.1376

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Anne Beauvallet

Maître de conférences à l'Université de Toulouse 2 Le Mirail

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