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Benn, M., School Wars: The Battle for Britain’s Education, London: Verso, 2011
Esteves, O., « En Grande-Bretagne, les émeutes urbaines découlent des inégalités sociales », Le Monde, 12. 08. 2011
Esteves, O., « ‘Goin’ Racial’ ? : La construction d’une mémoire raciale des violences urbaines, de Nottingham (1958) à Bradford (2001) », in Philippe Vervaecke, Andrew Diamond, Jim Cohen (eds), L’Atlantique multiracial : discours, politiques, dénis, Paris : Karthala, 2012
Esteves, O., De l’Invisibilité à l’islamophobie, les musulmans britanniques, Paris : Presses de Sciences-Po, 2011
Finney, N., Simpson, L., Sleepwalking to Segregation ? Challenging Myths about Race and Migration, Bristol : The Policy Press, 2009
Formisano, R., Boston Against Busing, Race, Class and Ethnicity in the 1960s and 1970s, Chapel Hill (N.C.) : University of North Carolina Press, 2003 (2nd edition)
Garbaye, R., « David Cameron, le New Labour, la ‘community cohesion’ et le multiculturalisme », Le Monde, 24. 02. 2011
Hajjat, A., Mohammed, M., Islamophobie : comment les élites françaises fabriquent le “problème musulman”, Paris : La Découverte, 2013
Klug, B., “Islamophobia : A Concept Comes Of Age”, Ethnicities, 2012, n° 12 (5), pp. 665-681.
Klug, B., “An Almost Unbearable Insecurity : Cameron’s Munich Speech”, Working Paper n° 6 given at the University of South Australia, International Centre for Muslim and Non-Muslim Understanding, 2011
Kruse, K. M., White Flight : Atlanta and the Making of Modern Conservatism, New Jersey : Princeton University Press, 2005
Latour, V., “ ‘Muscular liberalism’ : surviving multiculturalism ? A historical and political contextualisation of David Cameron’s Munich speech”, Observatoire de la Société Britannique, Fons, J.P. (dir), La Nouvelle donne politique en Grande-Bretagne, 2012.
Liogier, R., Le Mythe de l’islamisation : essai sur une obsession collective, Paris : Le Seuil, 2012
Quadagno, J., The Color of Welfare, How Racism Undermined the War on Poverty, Oxford : Oxford University Press, 1996
Riots Communities and Victims Panel, “5 Days in August : an Interim Report on the 2011 English Riots”, 2012, available at :
Riots Communities and Victims Panel, “After the Riots : the Final Report of the Riots Communities and Victims Panel”, 2012 : available at : http://webarchive.nationalarchives.gov.uk/20121003195935/http://riotspanel.independent.gov.uk/wp-content/uploads/2012/03/Riots-Panel-Final-Report1.pdf
Tomlinson, S., Race and Education : Policy and Politics in Britain, Maidenhead : Open University Press, 2008
The Guardian / London School of Economics, “Reading the Riots : Investigating England’s Summer of Disorder”, 2011, available at : http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/46297/1/Reading%20the%20riots%28published%29.pdf
The Runnmyede Trust, “The Riot Roundtables : Race and the Riots of August 2011”, 2012, available at : http://www.runnymedetrust.org/publications/174/32.html
Uberoi, V., Modood, T., “Inclusive Britishness: a multiculturalist advance”, Political Studies, 61 (1), 2013, pp. 23-42.
Werbner, P., “Multiculturalism from Above and Below : Analysing a Political Discourse”, Journal of Intercultural Studies, 33 (2), 2012, pp. 197-209.
Quoted in Varun Uberoi, Tariq Modood, “Inclusive Britishness : a multiculturalist advance”, Political Studies, 61 (1), 2013, p. 28.
Quoted from Pnina Werbner, “Multiculturalism from Above and Below : Analysing a Political Discourse”, Journal of Intercultural Studies, 33 (2), 2012, p. 198.
Although Werbner does not touch upon this, it is fair to imagine that much of the anti-elitist element in this backlash takes its inspiration from conservative responses against racial desegregation in the United States, where historical research for cities like Baltimore, Atlanta, Boston indeed suggest that policies like busing and affirmative action were often introduced by liberal elites, which imposed these policies on working- and sometimes middle-class white Americans who were directly affected by the social and urban consequences of this desegregation. Historians such as Ronald Formisano, Kenneth Durr and Kevin Kruse point out that the judges and liberal elites imposing those changes generally had left to white suburbia and were totally unaffected by those inner-city changes.
Quoted in “An Almost Unbearable Insecurity : Cameron’s Munich Speech”, Working Paper n° 6 given at the University of South Australia, International Centre for Muslim and Non-Muslim Understanding, 2011, p. 7 ; available at : http://w3.unisa.edu.au/muslim-understanding/documents/klug-almost-unbearable.pdf
Quoted in The New Statesman, 03. 10. 2013.
Check : www.tellmamauk.org
See Olivier Esteves, De l’Invisibilité à l’islamophobie, les musulmans britanniques, Paris, Presses de Sciences-Po, 2011, p. 254-5.
Some would argue, rightly, that “tribunal” instead of “court” should be used here. For more elements, check Kathleen M. Moore, The Unfamiliar Abode : Islamic Law in the United States and Britain, Oxford University Press, 2010.
For a discussion of this tendency in France, see Abdellali Hajjat, Marwan Mohammed, Islamophobie : comment les élites françaises fabriquent le “problème musulman”, Paris, La Découverte, 2013, p. 118-9.
John L. Esposito, The Future of Islam, Oxford University Press, 2010, p. 169-170.
A “centre of social renovation”, based in London’s Victoria Park.
12. 11. 2012 ; https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/an-integration-nation-breaking-down-the-barriers
Raphael Liogier has analysed the resort to the stigma of “political correctness” by the radical right in his study of the paranoid style in political rhetoric across Europe. See Le Mythe de l’islamisation : essai sur une obsession collective (Paris, Le Seuil, 2012).
Brian Klug, “Islamophobia : A Concept Comes Of Age”, Ethnicities, 2012, n° 12 (5), p. 665-681.
Quoted in Londonistan : How Britain is Creating a Terror State Within, London, Gibson Square, 2006, p. 21.
The Daily Telegraph, 19. 01. 2011.
The Guardian, 05. 02. 2011.
The 2009-2010 6th PVE Report (House of Commons Communities and Local Government Committee) has 310 pages, 2 mentions of the EDL and 3 mentions of the British National Party.
Quoted in art.cit., p. 200.
For a discussion of this, see Sally Tomlinson, Race and Education : Policy and Politics in Britain, Maidenhead, Open University Press, 2008, p. 88-89.
See Nissa Finney, Ludi Simpson, Sleepwalking to Segregation ? Challenging Myths about Race and Migration, Bristol, The Policy Press, 2009, p. 136-7.
Quoted in Brian Klug, art.cit., p. 11.
Le Monde, 24. 02. 2011.
For a simple and clear discussion of this, see Eric Maurin, Le Ghetto français, enquête sur le séparatisme social, Paris, Seuil, 2004.
Quoted in Melissa Benn, School Wars : The Battle for Britain’s Education, Verso, London, 2011, p. 82.
Ibid., p. 166.
Ibid., p. 167.
Quoted in Boston Against Busing, Race, Class and Ethnicity in the 1960s and 1970s, Chapel Hill (N.C.), University of North Carolina Press, 2003, 2nd edition, p. 11.
Quoted in Kevin M. Kruse, White Flight : Atlanta and the Making of Modern Conservatism, Princeton University Press, 2005, p. 8-9.
Jill Quadagno, The Color of Welfare, How Racism Undermined the War on Poverty, Oxford University Press, 1996, p. 6-7.
Newsnight, 12. 08. 2011.
The full text is available on : http://www.runnymedetrust.org/publications/174/32.html
“5 Days in August, an Interim Report on the 2011 Riots”, p. 58.
For “Satellite Navigation”.
Elsewhere I have made a parallel with Dario Fo’s play “We Won’t Pay ! We Won’t Pay”, see Olivier Esteves, « En Grande-Bretagne, les émeutes urbaines découlent des inégalités sociales », Le Monde, 12. 08. 2011. I still believe this parallel valid.
For these quotes, see Interim Report, p. 61-62.
See The Guardian, “Birmingham Riots : Intense Anger After Deaths of Three Young Men”, 10. 08. 2013.
I have analysed this tendency for the 1958, 1980-1, 2001 rioting in « ‘Goin’ Racial’ ? : La construction d’une mémoire raciale des violences urbaines, de Nottingham (1958) à Bradford (2001) », in Philippe Vervaecke, Andrew Diamond, Jim Cohen (eds), L’Atlantique multiracial : discours, politiques, dénis, Paris, Karthala, 2012.
On 15 March 2011, Emmanuel died, from a self-inflicted stab wound, while the police were searching his house in Hillbury Road, Warlingham, Surrey. His death came an hour and a half after officers arrived with a search warrant relating to the import of Class A drugs into the UK. A post-mortem examination revealed that he had died from a single stab wound to the heart. He is survived by his mother, son, daughter, sister and three brothers. His death was investigated by the Independent Police Complaints Commission. In their final report - which at the request of the coroner was neither made public nor made available to Emmanuel's family - the IPCC concluded that there was no evidence justifying the pressing of criminal charges against any of the four officers present at the house during the raid. In the IPCC statement following the inquest, it was stated that there was both no criminal conduct by officers, and also no individual failings by officers that might amount to misconduct. Nonetheless, the report also pointed out flaws in the police raid and called on the Metropolitan Police Service to improve the planning and execution of their drug seizures.
Riots Panel Final Report, p. 103.
Ibid., p. 101-102.
This is part of the Terrorism Act 2000 ; Under the schedule, the UK police can stop, examine and search passengers at ports, airports and international rail terminals. Unlike with some other police powers to stop and search, there is no requirement for an officer to have a "reasonable suspicion" that someone is involved with terrorism before they are stopped.
For the full speech, see http://fr.scribd.com/doc/103334805/Speech-to-the-National-Black-Police-Association-Conference
The Guardian, 24. 06. 2013.
For a discussion of this, see Adrian Elliott’s article for the “Local School Network” news website, “Were The 2011 Riots Caused by Poor Schools ?”, 31. 03. 2012.
The Guardian, 28. 03. 2012.
See Melissa Benn, op.cit., p. 22.
Ratna Lachman, Just West Yorkshire’s director, argues : “Those who have worked with Kris Hopkins in local government know him to be a rising star in the Conservative party, but one with only a slim 2940 majority which a 6.1 percent swing would deliver back to Labour in the next General Election. There are many temptations for a politician in such a position. But if he really wishes to scale the political heights, he would do well to remembered his maiden speech in which he declared to his constituents that he has the “privilege of representing a beautiful place which is immensely diverse, with a huge populace and huge social issues that need to be addressed.” (see The Guardian, “The Northerner Blog”, 22. 11. 2012).
See BBC News, 13. 11. 2012.
See his article “ ‘Muscular liberalism’ : surviving multiculturalism ? A historical and political contextualisation of David Cameron’s Munich speech”, Revue de l’Observatoire de la Société Britannique, La Nouvelle donne politique en Grande-Bretagne,2012, p. 4-5.
The full text is available on : http://www.libdems.org.uk/latest_news_detail.aspx ?title =Nick_Clegg_speech :_ An_Open,_Confident_Society&pPK =25e28e0b-a8e7-4104-ba5e-e860d752c31a
Tommy Robinson, one of the key founders of the EDL, is a shopkeeper from Luton ; since creating the EDL, he has moved, most bizarrely, to the anti-extremist Quilliam Foundation.
Equality and Human Rights Commission, which came into being on October 1st 2007 ; it took over the responsibilities of the Commission for Racial Equality, the Equal Opportunities Commission (which dealt with gender equality) and the Disability Rights Commission.
The New Statesman, 07. 02. 2013.Haut de page